Brussels Live · Council: arrivals and press 2026-11-06
Transcribed and translated automatically from the original sound. Mistakes are possible.
Machine translation. The original is authoritative.
Independent service, not affiliated with the European Parliament or the European Commission. Source: © European Union.
AI-generated: Transcripts, translations and summaries on this site are generated automatically by AI: speech recognition (Soniox), machine translation and summaries (Mistral AI). Not edited by humans before publication. EU AI Act, Article 50.

[16:31:04] Speaker 1 [PL]
Good morning to you all, welcome after the completed working meeting of the Council of the Baltic Sea States, involving 10 states and the European Union, with Ukraine. I will now ask for a summary of this meeting. Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs Radosław Sikorski, the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, Andrij Sybiha, Mr Prime Minister, Mr Minister, please.

[16:31:33] Speaker 2 [PL]
Dear colleagues, we have just concluded an informal meeting of the foreign ministers of the Council of the Baltic Sea States, with the participation of the High Representative and the Ukrainian Minister of Foreign Affairs. Today’s meeting confirmed the unity of the countries in our region in the face of Russia’s ongoing aggression. We agreed that the key issue remains strengthening military and financial support for Ukraine. We unanimously adopted a statement which is at your disposal. The priority is to support Ukraine in preparing for the upcoming winter period and to increase the resilience of its energy sector. Poland will allocate an additional 8 million zloty for the energy community, from which generators will be purchased for Ukraine. Strengthening deterrence capabilities is not intended to escalate tensions; Russia must understand that its continued aggression will come with rising costs and consequences. I remind you of this because Poland remains one of the most important states supporting Ukraine and one of the pillars of security on NATO’s eastern flank. We are ready to make a constructive contribution to future actions aimed at consolidating peace and security in the region and to engage in ongoing talks. The exercises of the willing coalition under the codename "Coalition 262", organised in November here in Poland, are confirmation of our role and determination. Our commitment to European security is confirmed by the participation of nearly 2,000 Polish soldiers in the exercises and by leading the command of support for international forces. We welcome initiatives aimed at ending the war, but it is essential to maintain the appropriate sequence – this was strongly emphasised during today’s discussions. Namely, first a ceasefire, then talks on lasting peace, and only then possible talks on how to restore the functioning of the European security architecture and perhaps how to restore arms control regimes. At present, I would like this to be clearly stated: Kyiv has the upper hand on the frontline in Ukraine.

[16:34:08] Speaker 2 [PL]
should not negotiate its future under the pressure of shelling civilians, because here Russia is simply committing war crimes, such as in the cases of airstrikes over Dnipro and in Komiszu Vach. The solution cannot be imposed on Ukraine without its consent and presence at the table. just as Europe’s security cannot be the subject of talks conducted without our involvement, the countries of the Eastern Flank are the most affected by the potential agreement, but they can also bring a particularly important perspective on perceptions of the threats posed by Russia. We advocate for further strengthening of the sanctions regime, in particular against the Russian scrap fleet and entities supporting its operations. We demand cooperation from cyber companies and social media platforms in limiting [these activities]. In the fight against the Russian cyber threat and cognitive warfare, it is necessary to further restrict the sources of financing for the Russian war machine. We believe it is justified to continue work on the possibility of using frozen Russian assets to support the defence and reconstruction of Ukraine. The aggressor should be held accountable for the consequences of the war it unleashed. the Schengen visa policy towards Russia should be tightened. It is incomprehensible to us in Poland that in 2025 citizens of the Russian Federation received a total of 623,000 visas, 84% of them for tourism. For comparison, Poland issued 100 visas to Russians in the same period, mainly to dissidents for humanitarian reasons. We support ending the issuance of tourist Schengen visas to Russian citizens. Russia, as well as individuals linked to the Russian Kremlin, Russian athletes, and combatants who participated on the Russian side in the aggression against Ukraine, Russia—which is trying to destroy the European Union from within—should not benefit from the privileges of free movement across Europe. Thank you, ministers of the Council of the Baltic Sea States, High Representative, Minister Sibisze, constructive dialogue and a meeting together we are defending the security of the whole of Europe

[16:36:52] Speaker 2 [PL]
peace, sanctions, solidarity, thank you very much, thank you very much, er. Thank you for hosting us here at this important moment. There is, indeed, a new intensive diplomatic push underway to end Russia’s war. Europe continues to support all efforts towards a just and lasting peace. Today, we discuss with the ministers how we can contribute to this. Despite the diplomatic outreach, the reality on the ground is grim. This week alone at least 45 civilians have been killed in Ukraine in Russian airstrikes, and these are civilians. There is little sign of imminent peace; instead, Ukraine faces another very difficult winter. Russia will again target Ukraine's power stations that keep the lights on, homes warm and water running. Moscow is attempting to freeze Ukraine into surrender, but we will not allow it to happen. To bolster Ukraine’s resilience, the EU has disbursed a further € 3.6 billion euros under our support loan this week, but it is clear that more is needed on the battlefield. Russia is stuck – a record 54,000 Russian troops were killed or wounded in October alone, and this is a staggering amount, roughly the capacity of Warsaw’s national stadium. Russia cannot sustain such losses on such a scale. on this scale indefinitely. We cannot say how and when Ukraine and Russia will strike a peace deal, but we can say what it needs to be put into effect. Any agreement, in order to be implemented, will require the European Union to be part of it – from security guarantees, sanctions, reconstruction, to Ukraine’s EU accession. There is no way around the European Union. Europe has a core security interest vis-à-vis Russia; we are not the mediator, we are firmly on Ukraine’s side. Any agreement to end the war must prevent Russia from using force again and must not allow it to use a pause to rearm and reattack. That is why, earlier this year, I put forward a paper with core demands towards Moscow, discussed by the European Union Foreign Ministers. this should be used as the basis for negotiations; there can be no legal recognition of Russia's claim to occupy Ukrainian territory. Russia must be held accountable for its war crimes and violations of international law.

[16:39:50] Speaker 2 [PL]
must pay for the destruction it has caused. Ukraine's sovereignty, independence and the right to choose its own alliances must be respected. There can be no compromise on the size of Ukraine's armed forces, and children deported from Ukraine must be returned home. Russian sabotage across Europe must stop. In short, concessions should be made by the aggressor, not the victim. I want to make a fundamental point here: we already have a European security architecture in place. NATO and the European Union both have theirs respective roles. We must ensure that Ukraine is integrated into this architecture. The problem remains that Russia keeps violating the treaties that underpin it. NATO poses no threat to Russia in 2021, and it poses no threat to Russia at the moment. Putin does not have a veto over European security. Looking ahead, ministers were clear that we will continue supporting Ukraine and dialling up the pressure on Russia, including through the 22nd sanctions package. But let’s also let me be clear: Russia did not start this war for money, but it started this war because its ability to wage this war also depends on money. Energy deals with Russia only prolong the war. Ministers also addressed Russia's grey-zone tactics, as Russia is willing to take greater risks. Europe must also impose greater costs, through more sanctions and tighter measures. control over the movement of Russian diplomats, a visa ban for Russian ex-combatants, new counter-drone capabilities and an emergency security protocol are some of the options that are currently on the table. We are discussing these in the context of Russia’s attacks against Europe, which will come at an increasingly heavy price. So, Radek, thank you again for having this good and open discussion today. Thank you very much. Thank you very much, I will speak in the Ukrainian language, so please use the headphones. Thank you, dear friend Rostysław, for your hospitality and an extremely substantive and strong meeting. Thank you, dear Kate, for your unwavering strong voice of Europe. earlier today, together with my Polish colleague, we held bilateral talks; Poland is a reliable

[16:42:27] Speaker 2 [PL]
Poland is Ukraine’s closest ally and a key security and logistics hub for Ukraine, and its principled leadership strengthens Europe and brings a just peace closer. We have discussed strengthening air and missile defence, cooperation in the field of drones, and pressure on the aggressor. We agreed to continue actively developing bilateral relations and resolving all issues through constructive dialogue. Thank you, Poland, for your support on Ukraine’s path to the EU. Thank you. My main message today at this ministerial meeting is... there can be no decisions about Ukraine without Ukraine, nor about Europe's security without Europe, so Europe must be part of the peace process both before and after the meeting in Abu Dhabi. Today, we have coordinated our positions and agreed to remain in close contact in the coming days. Ukraine takes the planned meeting in Abu Dhabi seriously. Our priorities are security guarantees, de-escalation in the Black Sea, an energy truce, the return of children, and prisoner exchanges. We expect the same seriousness from Russia. However, so far, Moscow has responded to peace efforts with terror, strikes on energy infrastructure almost every hour, civilian killings, and increased pressure on the front. Putin lives in a parallel reality; he claims that Ukraine controls only 10% of Donbas. this is a lie; in reality, it is around 20%. The reality on the front is different. In October, Russia lost over 54,000 soldiers killed and seriously wounded. Ukraine has liberated more territory than Russia has been able to occupy. Our positions at the front are the strongest in the last three years. We will continue the long-range campaign to bring the war onto Russian territory. The further Ukraine is able to strike, the sooner the war will end. I have called on our partners not to postpone major strategic decisions until next year. Time is of the essence. we need to make the most of the time left until the end of the year. There are two key clusters in the negotiations on Ukraine’s accession to the European Union: effective use of frozen Russian assets, additional macro-financial support, new sanctions, more air defence and energy support before winter. Pressure on Russia must be felt also at sea. Now, we need decisive action, not half-measures, not weakness, not

[16:45:27] Speaker 2 [PL]
peace and pacification require strength and unity. Ukraine is no longer simply asking for help; Ukraine is a partner and contributor to security, and our allies recognise this. Our combat experience, defence industry and technologies can strengthen collective defence right now, even before our accession to the NATO alliance. The alliance needs Ukraine just as much as Ukraine needs the alliance. That is why I have proposed concrete steps: to include Ukraine in the working group on countering hybrid threats, to share experience in protecting the sky from drones, and to grant Ukraine the status of a full member in the JEF. Long-term peace and security in Europe are possible only with Ukraine's participation. There is currently an intensified debate in Ukraine about the security architecture of Europe. I am convinced that its future is being determined on the battlefield in Ukraine, and it is precisely whether the Russian aggression will end with a just and dignified peace that will determine whether Europe can live in peace. Russia is not and cannot be a guarantor of security for the European continent. This is important: Russia cannot be a guarantor of security; it is the greatest threat to Europe and an aggressive regime that has unleashed the largest war of conquest since the Second World War. The formula for the security architecture of Europe is a formula for reliable protection from Russia, not for talks with Russians about dividing spheres of influence in Europe. All this is in the past; there will be no more spheres of influence, no second Yalta or Munich. The time has come for European strength and unity. Thank you for your attention. But we do have time, so I have one question. So, please, good evening. How does today’s meeting in Warsaw demonstrate that Europe speaks with one voice – Europe and Ukraine, of course – and acts together in shaping its own security? And in this context, Donald Trump has referred to a potential major agreement, as he said, between Ukraine and Russia, suggesting that negotiations could have implications for the whole of Europe. Jared Kushner has also said that Trump has spoken with several European leaders. What do we know about those discussions? Is Poland involved? involved in them and, more importantly, are there any concerns that the United States and

[16:48:00] Speaker 2 [PL]
Russia might seek to negotiate a new security arrangement over the heads of Ukraine and Europe. Thank you. The question is for all of you. An arrangement about the future of Ukraine and of Europe above our heads would not just be unwise; it is actually impossible, because Europe and Ukraine have agency, and they will or will not agree to anything that is agreed. And you should also remember that we already have the Lisbon Treaty, which very clearly stipulates who is entitled to speak on behalf of the European Union at the leaders’ level: it is the President of the European Council, and at the ministers’ level, it is the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. foreign affairs, who is with us and who is the most competent person to comment. Yes, thank you for this question. Any agreement needs to be implemented, and for implementation you need Europe on board. As Radek said, any agreement that we are not party to, we will not implement either. You know about this agreement: what is really asked of the European Union is, you know, what happens to the sanctions, what happens to the frozen assets. All these things are decisions of the European Union. So you can try to agree, and we have already seen attempts, if you think about the Anchorage agreement or arrangement, then it hasn’t really simply worked because Europe has been backing it, and we need to be part of these discussions. But most of all, it’s important that Ukraine and Russia sit down and agree. For that, this negotiation table needs to be more equal, and that’s why we have proposed a real paper on concessions that we need to see on the Russian side. So far, all the pressure has been on Ukraine, which is not correct, because we have one aggressor and one victim, and actually in in order to stop the war, the pressure should be on the aggressor, and moreover, in order to have a secure Europe, we must make sure that Russia does not attack again

[16:50:35] Speaker 2 [PL]
I totally agree with Radek and Kaja and I fully share your statements. I do not wish to repeat them, but I would like to emphasise the key fundamental elements of our position: territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine; nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine; nothing about Europe without Europe; no restrictions on our defence capabilities and capacities, and no restrictions on our army; no restrictions on the right of our choice in the area of our foreign policy; and, of course, strong security guarantees. Thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you. If there are any national questions, I can return to them.