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Brussels Live
Transcribed and translated by AI

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Good morning to you all, welcome after the
completed working meeting of the Council

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of the Baltic Sea States, involving 10
states and the European Union, with Ukraine.

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I will now ask for a
summary of this meeting.

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Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign
Affairs Radosław Sikorski, the High

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Representative of the European Union for
Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and

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the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine,
Andrij Sybiha, Mr Prime Minister, Mr

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Minister, please.

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Dear colleagues, we have just concluded an
informal meeting of the foreign ministers

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of the Council of the Baltic Sea States,
with the participation of the High

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Representative and the Ukrainian
Minister of Foreign Affairs.

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Today’s meeting confirmed the unity of
the countries in our region in the face of

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Russia’s ongoing aggression. We agreed
that the key issue remains strengthening

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military and financial
support for Ukraine.

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We unanimously adopted a statement
which is at your disposal.

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The priority is to support Ukraine in
preparing for the upcoming winter period and

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to increase the resilience
of its energy sector.

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Poland will allocate an additional 8
million zloty for the energy community, from

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which generators will be
purchased for Ukraine.

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Strengthening deterrence capabilities
is not intended to escalate tensions;

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Russia must understand that its continued
aggression will come with rising costs and

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consequences. I remind you of this because
Poland remains one of the most important

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states supporting Ukraine and one of the
pillars of security on NATO’s eastern

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flank. We are ready to make a constructive
contribution to future actions aimed at

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consolidating peace and security in the
region and to engage in ongoing talks.

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The exercises of the willing coalition under
the codename "Coalition 262", organised

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in November here in Poland, are
confirmation of our role and determination.

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Our commitment to European security is
confirmed by the participation of nearly

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2,000 Polish soldiers in the exercises
and by leading the command of support for

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international forces. We welcome initiatives
aimed at ending the war, but it is

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essential to maintain the appropriate
sequence – this was strongly emphasised during

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today’s discussions. Namely, first a
ceasefire, then talks on lasting peace, and

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only then possible talks on how to restore
the functioning of the European security

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architecture and perhaps how to
restore arms control regimes.

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At present, I would like
this to be clearly stated:

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Kyiv has the upper hand on
the frontline in Ukraine.

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should not negotiate its future under the
pressure of shelling civilians, because

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here Russia is simply committing war crimes,
such as in the cases of airstrikes over

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Dnipro and in Komiszu Vach. The solution
cannot be imposed on Ukraine without its

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consent and presence at the table. just
as Europe’s security cannot be the subject

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of talks conducted without our involvement,
the countries of the Eastern Flank are

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the most affected by the potential agreement,
but they can also bring a particularly

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important perspective on perceptions
of the threats posed by Russia.

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We advocate for further strengthening of
the sanctions regime, in particular against

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the Russian scrap fleet and
entities supporting its operations.

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We demand cooperation from cyber companies
and social media platforms in limiting

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[these activities]. In the fight against
the Russian cyber threat and cognitive

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warfare, it is necessary to further
restrict the sources of financing for the

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Russian war machine. We believe it is
justified to continue work on the possibility

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of using frozen Russian assets to support
the defence and reconstruction of Ukraine.

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The aggressor should be held accountable
for the consequences of the war it

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unleashed. the Schengen visa policy
towards Russia should be tightened.

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It is incomprehensible to us in Poland
that in 2025 citizens of the Russian

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Federation received a total of 623,000
visas, 84% of them for tourism.

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For comparison, Poland issued 100 visas
to Russians in the same period, mainly to

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dissidents for humanitarian reasons. We
support ending the issuance of tourist

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Schengen visas to Russian citizens. Russia,
as well as individuals linked to the

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Russian Kremlin, Russian athletes, and
combatants who participated on the Russian

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side in the aggression against Ukraine,
Russia—which is trying to destroy the

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European Union from within—should not
benefit from the privileges of free movement

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across Europe. Thank you, ministers of
the Council of the Baltic Sea States, High

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Representative, Minister Sibisze, constructive
dialogue and a meeting together we

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are defending the security
of the whole of Europe

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peace, sanctions, solidarity, thank
you very much, thank you very much, er.

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Thank you for hosting us here
at this important moment.

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There is, indeed, a new intensive diplomatic
push underway to end Russia’s war.

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Europe continues to support all efforts
towards a just and lasting peace.

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Today, we discuss with the ministers
how we can contribute to this.

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Despite the diplomatic outreach,
the reality on the ground is grim.

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This week alone at least 45 civilians
have been killed in Ukraine in Russian

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airstrikes, and these are civilians.
There is little sign of imminent peace;

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instead, Ukraine faces
another very difficult winter.

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Russia will again target Ukraine's power
stations that keep the lights on, homes

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warm and water running. Moscow is attempting
to freeze Ukraine into surrender, but

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we will not allow it to happen. To
bolster Ukraine’s resilience, the EU has

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disbursed a further € 3.6 billion euros
under our support loan this week, but it is

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clear that more is needed
on the battlefield.

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Russia is stuck – a record 54,000 Russian
troops were killed or wounded in October

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alone, and this is a staggering amount,
roughly the capacity of Warsaw’s national

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stadium. Russia cannot sustain
such losses on such a scale.

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on this scale indefinitely. We cannot
say how and when Ukraine and Russia will

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strike a peace deal, but we can say
what it needs to be put into effect.

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Any agreement, in order to be implemented,
will require the European Union to be

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part of it – from security guarantees,
sanctions, reconstruction, to Ukraine’s EU

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accession. There is no way
around the European Union.

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Europe has a core security
interest vis-à-vis Russia;

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we are not the mediator, we
are firmly on Ukraine’s side.

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Any agreement to end the war must prevent
Russia from using force again and must not

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allow it to use a pause
to rearm and reattack.

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That is why, earlier this year, I put
forward a paper with core demands towards

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Moscow, discussed by the
European Union Foreign Ministers.

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this should be used as the
basis for negotiations;

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there can be no legal recognition of
Russia's claim to occupy Ukrainian territory.

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Russia must be held accountable for its
war crimes and violations of international

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law.

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must pay for the
destruction it has caused.

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Ukraine's sovereignty, independence and
the right to choose its own alliances must

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be respected. There can be no compromise
on the size of Ukraine's armed forces, and

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children deported from
Ukraine must be returned home.

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Russian sabotage across Europe must stop.
In short, concessions should be made by

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the aggressor, not the victim. I want
to make a fundamental point here:

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we already have a European
security architecture in place.

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NATO and the European Union both
have theirs respective roles.

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We must ensure that Ukraine is
integrated into this architecture.

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The problem remains that Russia keeps
violating the treaties that underpin it.

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NATO poses no threat to Russia in 2021,
and it poses no threat to Russia at the

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moment. Putin does not have a
veto over European security.

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Looking ahead, ministers were clear that
we will continue supporting Ukraine and

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dialling up the pressure on Russia,
including through the 22nd sanctions package.

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But let’s also let me be clear: Russia
did not start this war for money, but it

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started this war because its ability
to wage this war also depends on money.

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Energy deals with Russia
only prolong the war.

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Ministers also addressed Russia's grey-zone
tactics, as Russia is willing to take

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greater risks. Europe must also impose
greater costs, through more sanctions and

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tighter measures. control over the movement
of Russian diplomats, a visa ban for

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Russian ex-combatants, new counter-drone
capabilities and an emergency security

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protocol are some of the options
that are currently on the table.

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We are discussing these in the context
of Russia’s attacks against Europe, which

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will come at an increasingly heavy price.
So, Radek, thank you again for having this

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good and open discussion
today. Thank you very much.

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Thank you very much, I will speak in the
Ukrainian language, so please use the

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headphones. Thank you, dear friend Rostysław,
for your hospitality and an extremely

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substantive and strong meeting. Thank
you, dear Kate, for your unwavering strong

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voice of Europe. earlier today, together
with my Polish colleague, we held bilateral

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talks; Poland is a reliable

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Poland is Ukraine’s closest ally and a key
security and logistics hub for Ukraine,

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and its principled leadership strengthens
Europe and brings a just peace closer.

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We have discussed strengthening air and
missile defence, cooperation in the field of

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drones, and pressure on the aggressor.
We agreed to continue actively developing

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bilateral relations and resolving all
issues through constructive dialogue.

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Thank you, Poland, for your support
on Ukraine’s path to the EU.

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Thank you. My main message today
at this ministerial meeting is...

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there can be no decisions about Ukraine
without Ukraine, nor about Europe's security

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without Europe, so Europe must be part of
the peace process both before and after

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the meeting in Abu Dhabi. Today, we have
coordinated our positions and agreed to

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remain in close contact
in the coming days.

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Ukraine takes the planned
meeting in Abu Dhabi seriously.

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Our priorities are security guarantees,
de-escalation in the Black Sea, an energy

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truce, the return of children,
and prisoner exchanges.

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We expect the same
seriousness from Russia.

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However, so far, Moscow has responded
to peace efforts with terror, strikes on

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energy infrastructure almost every hour,
civilian killings, and increased pressure

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on the front. Putin lives
in a parallel reality;

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he claims that Ukraine
controls only 10% of Donbas.

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this is a lie; in
reality, it is around 20%.

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The reality on the front is different. In
October, Russia lost over 54,000 soldiers

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killed and seriously wounded. Ukraine has
liberated more territory than Russia has

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been able to occupy. Our positions at the
front are the strongest in the last three

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years. We will continue the long-range
campaign to bring the war onto Russian

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territory. The further Ukraine is able
to strike, the sooner the war will end.

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I have called on our partners not to
postpone major strategic decisions until next

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year. Time is of the essence. we need to
make the most of the time left until the

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end of the year. There are two key
clusters in the negotiations on Ukraine’s

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accession to the European Union: effective
use of frozen Russian assets, additional

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macro-financial support, new sanctions,
more air defence and energy support before

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winter. Pressure on Russia
must be felt also at sea.

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Now, we need decisive action, not
half-measures, not weakness, not

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peace and pacification
require strength and unity.

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Ukraine is no longer
simply asking for help;

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Ukraine is a partner and contributor to
security, and our allies recognise this.

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Our combat experience, defence industry
and technologies can strengthen collective

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defence right now, even before our
accession to the NATO alliance.

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The alliance needs Ukraine just as
much as Ukraine needs the alliance.

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That is why I have
proposed concrete steps:

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to include Ukraine in the working group
on countering hybrid threats, to share

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experience in protecting the sky from
drones, and to grant Ukraine the status of a

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full member in the JEF. Long-term peace
and security in Europe are possible only

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with Ukraine's participation. There is
currently an intensified debate in Ukraine

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about the security architecture of Europe.

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I am convinced that its future is being
determined on the battlefield in Ukraine,

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and it is precisely whether the Russian
aggression will end with a just and

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dignified peace that will determine
whether Europe can live in peace.

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Russia is not and cannot be a guarantor
of security for the European continent.

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This is important: Russia cannot
be a guarantor of security;

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it is the greatest threat to Europe and an
aggressive regime that has unleashed the

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largest war of conquest
since the Second World War.

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The formula for the security architecture
of Europe is a formula for reliable

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protection from Russia, not for talks
with Russians about dividing spheres of

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influence in Europe.
All this is in the past;

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there will be no more spheres of
influence, no second Yalta or Munich.

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The time has come for
European strength and unity.

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Thank you for your attention. But we
do have time, so I have one question.

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So, please, good evening. How does today’s
meeting in Warsaw demonstrate that Europe

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speaks with one voice – Europe and Ukraine,
of course – and acts together in shaping

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its own security? And in this context,
Donald Trump has referred to a potential

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major agreement, as he said, between
Ukraine and Russia, suggesting that

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negotiations could have implications
for the whole of Europe.

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Jared Kushner has also said that Trump
has spoken with several European leaders.

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What do we know about those
discussions? Is Poland involved?

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involved in them and, more importantly,
are there any concerns that the United

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States and

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Russia might seek to negotiate a new security
arrangement over the heads of Ukraine

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and Europe. Thank you. The
question is for all of you.

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An arrangement about the future of Ukraine
and of Europe above our heads would not

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just be unwise; it is actually impossible,
because Europe and Ukraine have agency,

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and they will or will not agree
to anything that is agreed.

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And you should also remember that we
already have the Lisbon Treaty, which very

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clearly stipulates who is entitled to speak
on behalf of the European Union at the

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leaders’ level: it is the President of the
European Council, and at the ministers’

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level, it is the High Representative of
the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security

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Policy. foreign affairs, who is with us
and who is the most competent person to

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comment. Yes, thank you for this question.

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Any agreement needs to be implemented,
and for implementation you need Europe on

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board. As Radek said, any agreement that
we are not party to, we will not implement

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either. You know about this agreement:
what is really asked of the European Union

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is, you know, what happens to the sanctions,
what happens to the frozen assets.

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All these things are decisions
of the European Union.

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So you can try to agree, and we have already
seen attempts, if you think about the

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Anchorage agreement or arrangement, then
it hasn’t really simply worked because

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Europe has been backing it, and we
need to be part of these discussions.

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00:18:51,916 --> 00:18:57,304
But most of all, it’s important that
Ukraine and Russia sit down and agree.

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For that, this negotiation table needs
to be more equal, and that’s why we have

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proposed a real paper on concessions
that we need to see on the Russian side.

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So far, all the pressure has been on Ukraine,
which is not correct, because we have

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one aggressor and one victim, and actually
in in order to stop the war, the pressure

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should be on the aggressor, and moreover,
in order to have a secure Europe, we must

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make sure that Russia
does not attack again

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I totally agree with Radek and Kaja
and I fully share your statements.

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I do not wish to repeat them, but I would
like to emphasise the key fundamental

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elements of our position: territorial
integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine;

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nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine;
nothing about Europe without Europe;

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no restrictions on our defence capabilities
and capacities, and no restrictions on

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our army; no restrictions on the right
of our choice in the area of our foreign

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policy; and, of course,
strong security guarantees.

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Thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you.

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If there are any national
questions, I can return to them.